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Jean-Bédel Bokassa, Central African Republic’s 13-year tyrant.

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Jean-Bédel Bokassa ([ʒɑ̃ bedɛl bɔkasa]; 22 February 1921 – 3 November 1996), also known as Bokassa I, was a Central African political and military leader.

Who served as the second president of the Central African Republic (CAR) and as the emperor of its successor state, the Central African Empire (CAE).

This was from the Saint-Sylvestre coup d’état on 1 January 1966 until his overthrow in a subsequent coup in 1979.

Eleven Years as President

Of this period, Bokassa served about eleven years as president and three years as self-proclaimed Emperor of Central Africa.

Though the country was still a de facto military dictatorship, his imperial regime lasted from 4 December 1976 to 21 September 1979.

Following his overthrow, the CAR was restored under his predecessor, David Dacko. Bokassa’s self-proclaimed imperial title did not achieve international diplomatic recognition.

Tried and Sentenced to Death

In his trial in absentia, Bokassa was tried and sentenced to death. He returned to the CAR in 1986 and was put on trial for treason and murder.

In 1987, he was cleared of charges of cannibalism, but found guilty of the murder of schoolchildren and other crimes.

The death sentence was later commuted to life in solitary confinement, but he was freed in 1993. Bokassa lived a private life in Bangui, and died in November 1996.

Childhood and Family

Bokassa was born on 22 February 1921, as one of twelve children to Mindogon Bokassa, a village chief.

And his wife Marie Yokowo in Bobangui, a large Mbaka village in the Lobaye basin located at the edge of the equatorial forest.

Then a part of colonial French Equatorial Africa, some 80 kilometres (50 mi) southwest of Bangui.

French Ferstiere Company

Mindogon was forced to organise the rosters of his village people to work for the French Forestière company.

After hearing about the efforts of a prophet named Karnu to resist French rule and forced labour, Mindogon decided that he would no longer follow French orders.

He released some of his fellow villagers who were being held hostage by the Forestière. The company considered this to be a rebellious act, so they detained Mindogon.

13 November 1927

The company took him away bound in chains to Mbaïki. On 13 November 1927, he was beaten to death in the town square just outside the prefecture office.

A week later Bokassa’s mother, unable to bear the grief of losing her husband, committed suicide.

Bokassa’s extended family decided that it would be best if he received a French-language education at the École Sainte-Jeanne d’Arc. A Christian mission school in Mbaïki.

Classmates and Orphanhood

As a child, he was frequently taunted by his classmates about his orphanhood. He was short in stature and physically strong.

In his studies, Bokassa became especially fond of a French grammar book, by an author named Jean Bédel. His teachers noticed his attachment, and started calling him “Jean-Bédel.”

During his teenage years, Bokassa studied at École Saint-Louis in Bangui, under a Father Grüner.

Studies

Grüner educated him with the intention of making him a priest. But realized that his student did not have the aptitude for study or the piety required for this occupation.

He then studied at Father Compte’s school in Brazzaville, where he developed his abilities as a cook.

After graduating in 1939, Bokassa took the advice offered to him by his grandfather, M’Balanga, and Father Grüner. He joined the Troupes coloniales (French colonial troops) as a tirailleur on 19 May 1939.

A corporal in July 1940

While serving in the second bataillon de marche, Bokassa became a corporal in July 1940, and a sergeant major in November 1941.

After the occupation of France by Nazi Germany, he served with an African unit of the Free French Forces.

And took part in the capture of the Vichy government’s capital at Brazzaville. On 15 August 1944, he participated in the Allied forces’ landing in Provence, France.

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Operation Dragoon

part of Operation Dragoon, and fought in southern France and in Germany in early 1945, before Nazi Germany collapsed.

He remained in the French Army after the war, studying radio transmissions at an army camp in the French coastal town of Fréjus.

Afterwards, Bokassa attended officer training school in Saint-Louis, Senegal. On 7 September 1950, he headed to French Indochina as the transmissions expert, for the battalion of Saigon-Cholon.

First Indochina War

Bokassa saw some combat during the First Indochina War before his tour of duty ended in March 1953.

For his exploits in battle, he was honored with membership of the Légion d’honneur, and was decorated with Croix de guerre.

During his stay in Indochina, he married a 17-year-old Vietnamese girl named Nguyễn Thị Huệ.

Hue boe

After Huệ bore him a daughter, Bokassa had the child registered as a French national. Bokassa left Indochina without his wife and child, as he believed he would return for another tour of duty in the near future.

Upon his return to France, Bokassa was stationed at Fréjus, where he taught radio transmissions to African recruits.

In 1956, he was promoted to second lieutenant, and two years later to lieutenant. Bokassa was then stationed as a military technical assistant in December 1958 in Brazzaville.

Twenty Year Absence

And in 1959 after a twenty-year absence, he was posted back to his homeland in Bangui. He was promoted to the rank of captain on 1 July 1961.

The French colony of Ubangi-Chari, part of French Equatorial Africa, had become a semi-autonomous territory of the French Community in 1958.

And then an independent nation as the Central African Republic (CAR) on 13 August 1960.

French Army

On 1 January 1962, Bokassa left the French Army and joined the Central African Armed Forces with the rank of battalion commandant under then-commander-in-chief Mgboundoulou.

As a cousin of Central African president David Dacko and nephew of Dacko’s predecessor, Barthélémy Boganda, Bokassa was given the task of creating the new country’s military.

Over a year later, Bokassa became commander-in-chief of the 500 soldiers in the army. Due to his relationship to Dacko.

First Colonel

And experience abroad in the French military, he was able to quickly rise through the ranks of the new national army, becoming its first colonel on 1 December 1964.

Bokassa sought recognition for his status as leader of the army. He frequently appeared in public wearing his military decorations.

And in ceremonies he often sat next to President Dacko to display his importance in the government.

Jean – Paul Douate

Bokassa frequently got into heated arguments with Jean-Paul Douate, the government’s chief of protocol.

Who admonished him for not following the correct order of seating at presidential tables. At this time Mgboundoulou no longer advocated Bokassa’s status as leader of the army.

At first, Dacko found his cousin’s antics amusing. Despite the number of recent military coups in Africa, he publicly dismissed the likelihood, that Bokassa would try to take control of the country.

Official Dinner

At an official dinner, he said, “Colonel Bokassa only wants to collect medals and he is too stupid to pull off a coup d’état”.

Other members of Dacko’s cabinet believed that Bokassa was a genuine threat to the government.

Jean-Arthur Bandio, the minister of interior, suggested Dacko name Bokassa to the cabinet. Which he hoped would both break the colonel’s close connections with the army and satisfy the colonel’s desire for recognition.

500 – member gendarmerie

To combat the chance that Bokassa would stage a coup, Dacko created a 500-member gendarmerie.

And a 120-member presidential security guard, led by Jean Izamo and Prosper Mounoumbaye, respectively.

Dacko’s government faced a number of problems during 1964 and 1965. The economy experienced stagnation, the bureaucracy was falling apart.

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Lumumbists and Anyanyas

And the country’s boundaries were constantly breached by Lumumbists from the south and the rebel Anyanya from the east.

He was under pressure from political radicals in the Mouvement pour l’évolution sociale de l’Afrique noire (Movement for the Social Evolution of Black Africa, or MESAN).

He made an attempt to cultivate alternative sources of support and display his ability to make foreign policy without the help of the French government.

Diplomatic Relations

Dacko established diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in September 1964.

A delegation led by Meng Yieng and agents of the Chinese government toured the CAR, showing communist propaganda films.

Soon after, the PRC gave the CAR an interest-free loan of one billion CFA francs (20 million French francs).

Financial Collapse of the CAR

The aid failed to subdue the prospect of a financial collapse for the country. Widespread political corruption added to the country’s list of problems.

Bokassa felt that he needed to take over the government to address these issues—most importantly, to rid the CAR from the influence of communism.

According to Samuel Decalo, a scholar of African government, Bokassa’s personal ambitions played the most important role in his decision to launch a coup against Dacko.

Bastille Day Celebrations

Dacko sent Bokassa to Paris as part of the CAR’s delegation for the Bastille Day celebrations in July 1965.

After attending the celebrations and a 23 July ceremony to mark the closing of a military officer training school he had attended decades earlier, Bokassa decided to return to the CAR.

However, Dacko forbade his return, and the infuriated Bokassa spent the next few months trying to obtain supporters from the French and Central African armed forces.

October 1965

Who he hoped would force Dacko to reconsider his decision. Dacko eventually yielded to pressure and allowed Bokassa back in October 1965.

Bokassa claimed that Dacko finally gave up after French president Charles de Gaulle had personally told Dacko that “Bokassa must be immediately returned to his post.

I cannot tolerate the mistreatment of my companion-in-arms”. Tensions between Dacko and Bokassa continued to escalate in the coming months.

Budget for Izamo’s gendarmerie

In December, Dacko approved an increase in the budget for Izamo’s gendarmerie, but rejected the budget proposal Bokassa had made for the army.

At this point, Bokassa told friends he was annoyed by Dacko’s mistreatment and was “going for a coup d’état”.

Dacko planned to replace Bokassa with Izamo as his personal military adviser, and wanted to promote army officers loyal to the government, while demoting Bokassa and his close associates.

Bobangui Village

Dacko did not conceal his plans. He hinted at his intentions to elders of the Bobangui village, who in turn informed Bokassa of the plot.

Bokassa realized he had to act against quickly, and worried that his 500-man army would be no match for the gendarmerie and the presidential guard.

He was also overwrought over the possibility that the French would come to Dacko’s aid after the coup, as had occurred after one in Gabon against President Léon M’ba in February 1964.

Word of Coup

After receiving word of the coup from the country’s vice president, officials in Paris sent paratroopers to Gabon in a matter of hours and M’Ba was quickly restored to power.[19]

Bokassa received substantive support from his co-conspirator, Captain Alexandre Banza, who commanded the Camp Kassaï military base in northeast Bangui.

And, like Bokassa, had served in the French Army. Banza was an intelligent, ambitious and capable man who played a major role in the planning of the coup.

Political Turmoil

By December, many people began to anticipate the political turmoil that would soon engulf the CAR.

Dacko’s personal advisers alerted him that Bokassa “showed signs of mental instability” and needed to be arrested before he sought to bring down the government. Dacko did not heed these warnings.

Early in the evening of 31 December 1965, Dacko left the Renaissance Palace to visit one of his ministers’ plantations southwest of Bangui.

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Banza

An hour and a half before midnight, Banza gave orders to his officers to begin the coup. Bokassa called Izamo at his headquarters and asked him to come to Camp de Roux.

He was to sign some documents that needed his immediate attention. Izamo, who was at a New Year’s Eve celebration with friends, reluctantly agreed and travelled to the camp.

Upon arrival, he was confronted by Banza and Bokassa, who informed him of the coup in progress.

Opposition to the coup

After declaring his opposition to the coup, Izamo was taken by the coup plotters to an underground cellar.

Around midnight, Bokassa, Banza, and their supporters left Camp de Roux to take over Bangui. After seizing the capital in a matter of hours, Bokassa and Banza rushed to the Renaissance Palace.

In order to arrest Dacko, who was nowhere to be found. Bokassa panicked, believing the president had been warned of the coup in advance.

Search for Dacko

And immediately ordered his soldiers to search for Dacko in the countryside until he was found.

Dacko was arrested by soldiers patrolling Pétévo Junction, on the western border of Bangui. He was taken back to the palace.

Where Bokassa hugged the president and told him, “I tried to warn you — but now it’s too late.” Dacko was taken to Ngaragba Prison at around 02:00 WAT (01:00 UTC).

In a move that he thought would boost his popularity with the people, Bokassa ordered prison director Otto Šacher to release all prisoners in the jail.

Kamp Kassai

Bokassa then took Dacko to Camp Kassaï, where he forced the president to resign. In the morning, Bokassa addressed the public via Radio Bangui.

“This is Colonel Bokassa speaking to you. At 3:00 a.m. this morning, your army took control of the government.

The Dacko government has resigned. The hour of justice is at hand. The bourgeoisie is abolished. A new era of equality among all has begun.

Government takeover

Central Africans, wherever you may be, be assured that the army will defend you and your property … Long live the Central African Republic!

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Bomas of Kenya, the center of Kenya’s political decisions and violence

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The word Bomas comes from a Swahili word “Boma” meaning a homestead hence the word bomas in plural.

It was established by the government in 1971 as a subsidiary company of Kenya Tourist Development Corporation as a tourist attraction.

It also wanted to preserve, maintain and promote rich and diverse cultural values of various tribal groups of Kenya. Mario Masso is its leader.

Kenya’s 2017 General Elections

Kenya’s presidential election on August 8, 2017 was marred by serious human rights violations.

This included unlawful killings and beatings by police during protests and house-to-house operations in western Kenya. At least 12 people were killed and over 100 badly injured.

Kenyan authorities should urgently investigate the crimes, and ensure that officers found to have used excessive force are held to account.

Human Rights Violations

The brutal crackdown on protesters and residents in the western counties, part of a pattern of violence and repression in opposition strongholds, undermined the national elections.

People have a right to protest peacefully, and Kenyan authorities should urgently put a stop to police abuse and hold those responsible to account.

Human Rights Watch conducted research in western Kenya during and after the election. Researchers interviewed 43 people, including victims of police beatings.

Kisumu and Siaya Counties

And shootings, in Kisumu and Siaya counties; examined bodies in mortuaries in Kisumu and Siaya counties.

And visited victims at Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Teaching and Referral Hospital (Russia Hospital) in Kisumu.

On August 11, following the announcement of Uhuru Kenyatta’s victory at the polls, opposition supporters in Nairobi, Coast, and the western counties of Kisumu;

Uhuru must go

Siaya, Migori, and Homabay protested with chants of “Uhuru must go.” Police responded in many areas with excessive force.

Shooting and beating protesters in Nairobi and western Kenya or carrying out abusive house-to-house operations.

On August 12, the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights reported that the police had killed at least 24 people nationwide.

Kenyan media

Including one in Kisumu and 17 in Nairobi. The number is most likely much higher, as Kenyan media were slow in reporting on the violence and families have been afraid to speak out.

Mild protests and political tension surfaced in parts of western Kenya and Nairobi on August 9. Following allegations by the opposition leader, Raila Odinga;

That the electoral commission’s system had been hacked and polling results manipulated in favor of Kenyatta.

August 11

The protests intensified on August 11, when the electoral commission declared Kenyatta the winner. Odinga challenged the results in court, with the verdict given in September 1.

In western Kenya, police fired teargas canisters and water cannons to disperse protesters, who threw stones and other crude objects at police.

Protesters also blocked roads with stones, burned tires, and lit fires on the roads. On August 11 and 12, police carried out house-to-house operations.

Beating and Shooting men in houses

Residents said that police asked for any men in the house and beat or shot them. Police also fired teargas canisters and water cannons in residential areas.

Human Rights Watch confirmed through multiple sources that police killed at least 10 people. Including a 6-month-old baby, in Kisumu county alone.

In neighboring Siaya county, police fatally shot a protester near the town of Siaya and beat a 17-year-old boy to death in the outskirts of Ugunja.

Persuit of Crowds of Protesters

This is as they pursued crowds of protesters into the villages. Human Rights Watch found no evidence protesters were armed or acted in a manner that could justify the use of such force.

In the town of Kisumu, hospital staff and county government officials confirmed that at least 100 people, mostly men, were seriously injured in the beatings and shootings.

Many others did not go to a hospital for treatment for fear of being further targeted or arrested.

August 17

As of August 17, at least 92 people with serious injuries, including 3 women who said police raped them, had not sought any medical help.

This according to Edris Omondi, the chairperson of the makeshift Kisumu county Disaster Management Center that was registering those affected by the violence and police abuses.

Residents of Obunga, Nyalenda, Nyamasaria, Arina, Kondele, and Manyatta neighborhoods in Kisumu told Human Rights Watch;

House to House Operations

That during house-to-house operations, officers broke down doors; beat residents; stole money, phones and television sets; and sexually harassed women.

Many town residents fled to a nearby school for the night, only to return to find their possessions looted, presumably by police.

Police denied any role in the looting and claimed that criminals were responsible. On August 12, the acting cabinet secretary for interior and coordination of the national government;

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Dr. Fred Matiang’i

Dr. Fred Matiang’i, denied that police used live bullets or excessive force against protesters and blamed criminals for looting.

“Some criminal elements took advantage of the situation to loot property,” he said. “The police responded and normalcy has returned in the affected areas.

The right to demonstrate should be carried out in a peaceful manner and without destroying property.

Right to Freedom of Assembly

International law and Kenya’s own constitution protect the right to freedom of assembly and expression, and prohibit excessive use of force by law enforcement officials.

The United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms say that law enforcement officials, should use force only in proportion to the seriousness of the offense.

And the intentional use of lethal force is permitted only when strictly unavoidable to protect life.

Arbitrary or Abusive use of force

The principles also say that governments should ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offense.

Superior officers should be held responsible if they knew, or should have known, that personnel under their command resorted to the unlawful use of force and firearms.

But did not take all measures in their power to prevent, suppress, or report such use. Kenyan police have a long history of using excessive force.

2007 post election violence

Against protesters, especially in the western counties such as Kisumu, Siaya, Migori, and Homabay, where Odinga has had solid support for over 20 years.

In the 2007 post-election violence, in which more than 1,100 people were killed, most of the more than 400 people shot by police were in the Nyanza region, which includes those counties.

In 2013, Human Rights Watch documented at least five cases of apparently unlawful police killings of demonstrators.

Supreme Court Decision

This was in Kisumu while protesting a Supreme Court decision that affirmed Kenyatta’s election as president.

And in June 2016, police killed at least five and wounded another 60 demonstrators in Kisumu, Homabay, and Siaya counties.

Who called for the firing of electoral commission officials implicated in cases of corruption abroad.

IPOA

Yet, accountability for police abuses has been sorely missing, Human Rights Watch said. The Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA);

A civilian police accountability institution, has investigated many abuses in the Nyanza region.

In September 2016, the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions opened a public inquest into the 2013 police shootings in Kisumu.

Prosecutions of police officers

But these efforts have not resulted in any prosecutions of the police officers implicated in what appeared to be unlawful killings and maiming of protesters in western Kenya.

The government of Kenya should publicly acknowledge and condemn any and all recent unlawful and unnecessary police killings and shootings, Human Rights Watch said.

Donors to the Kenyan government should support police accountability systems, particularly the Independent Policing Oversight Authority.

Post – Election Police Operations

On August 8, Kenya held its second presidential election since the disputed 2007 election that resulted in violence.

In which more than 1,100 people were killed and another 650,000 displaced. Within hours after the initial results started streaming live on television on August 9, 2017.

But before the electoral commission announced Uhuru Kenyatta’s victory, the leading opposition candidate, Raila Odinga, expressed concerns.

IEBC

That the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission’s (IEBC) server had been hacked and presidential results that were streaming in had been manipulated.

Following these allegations and the August 11 declaration that Kenyatta had won, opposition supporters in the capital, Nairobi, in western Kenya;

And in parts of the coastal region took to the streets in protest. Victims and witnesses told Human Rights Watch that Kenyan police responded violently.

Use of lethal fire by the police

Hurling teargas canisters and water cannons in residential areas and using lethal fire. Human Rights Watch interviewed 43 people in Kisumu and Siaya counties about the events.

Including, among others, victims and witnesses. On August 11 and 12, according to victims of police beatings and witnesses to the events;

Police conducted house-to-house operations in the town of Kisumu, using lethal fire against unarmed protesters.

Night Crimes

Violently storming into homes at night, looking for and beating mainly men, extorting money, stealing electronic goods, and in some cases raping women.

In Siaya county, police dispersed crowds of protesters at market centers along Kisumu’s Busia Road and pursued them into villages. Throwing teargas into homes and beating residents.

Human Rights Watch interviewed family members and witnesses to at least 12 killings by police, 10 in Kisumu county and two in neighboring Siaya county.

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Non protesters

In the former Nyanza region of western Kenya. Some occurred as police tried to suppress protests, but others occurred during house-to-house operations or in places with no protests.

While some victims were protesters, others were not and were either caught up in the violence or attacked inside their homes.

A 33-year-old man from the Obunga neighborhood said police found him and friends standing outside his house on the morning of August 12 and started shooting at them without talking.

Six bodies

In Kisumu county, Human Rights Watch saw six bodies that witnesses described as victims of police shootings and beatings.

Four of them in the Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Hospital, also known as the Russia Hospital, mortuary.

Two young men in their teens from the Nyaori area had gunshot wounds. A witness said that police came into the homes of the two teens, Onyango Otieno and Ochieng Gogo.

Morning of August 12

On the morning of August 12, beat them, then told them to run away and shot them in the back: “As they were running away, police shot them at the back and took their bodies away.”

According to relatives and witnesses, two others died from police beatings on the night of August 11 in the Kondele area.

Lennox Ochieng, a 27-year-old man, was beaten to death by police in his house in the Kondele neighborhood.

Other victims

Another body, described in hospital records as “unknown male alias Kimoko,” had bullet wounds, but witnesses could not describe the circumstances of his death.

Another victim, 35-year-old David Ochieng, was shot while he was protesting on the night of August 11.

An acquaintance who was with him during protests said he saw police shoot him around 11 p.m. as he threw stones at the police.

More fatalities

“The bullet went through his right ear and came out through the other side,” the acquaintance said.

“He could not talk at the time we took him to hospital but he could communicate through signs.

He gave us the phone contacts of his next of kin by writing in the air using signs.” Ochieng died in the hospital on the morning of August 13.

Samantha Pendo

Six-month-old Samantha Pendo was another victim. Eye witnesses told researchers that on August 11, police violently attacked her family.

Kicking, slapping, and beating with gun butts and batons everyone in the house, including the baby.

A nurse at Aga Khan Hospital said that the baby had a fractured skull and was in critical condition. The baby died in the hospital on August 16.

Villages in Kisumu

Police carried out the house-to-house operations in Kisumu, as well as villages in Kisumu and Siaya counties.

Residents of the village of Dago said that on the night of August 11, police officers attached to the Dago police post, 25 kilometers north of Kisumu;

Started firing at villagers strolling on the road, unaware of the protests in other parts of Kisumu.

Aimless Shootings

In the process, they said a police officer shot 21-year-old Vincent Omondi Ochieng, who was working with Elections Observations Group (ELOG), a Kenyan organization that has observed the past two elections.

“Vincent and his younger uncle were returning from watching a football game at a few minutes past midnight when police officers;

Who were hiding at Bar Union Primary School, started shooting at them,” said his aunt, who lived nearby.

First two shots

“His uncle told us that Vincent was on phone and the first two shots startled him and he fell. It was the third shot that killed him.” Human Rights Watch researchers observed the bullet wound in his chest in the heart area.

While Human Rights Watch confirmed the killings described above, the death toll in Kisumu county could be higher.

Many witnesses and family members were afraid of speaking up or even going to the hospital, while others said they could not immediately establish the whereabouts of their relatives.

Nyamasaria neighborhood

In Kisumu’s Nyamasaria neighborhood, for example, witnesses and relatives of a young man who was shot dead near Well Petrol Station on the night of August 11;

Declined to be interviewed out of fear of victimization. In Nyalenda, a family said it could not trace two young men three days after initial protests.

In Siaya county, demonstrations also turned violent as police dispersed protesters and carried out search operations in the villages.

17 year old Kennedy Juma Otieno

Evidence given to Human Rights Watch suggests that police killed two young men. In Siaya county, relatives and two witnesses said that on August 12;

Police beat to death 17-year-old Kennedy Juma Otieno, after pursuing him from Kisumu’s Busia Road, where they had dispersed protesters with teargas.

Human Rights Watch and Kenya National Commission on Human Rights members saw his body in the Sega Mission Hospital Mortuary in Siaya county. His hand, head, and face were swollen.

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21 year old Zacchaeus Okoth

Relatives and a witness said that police shot and killed Zacchaeus Okoth, a 21-year-old man from Anduro village, Siaya county, on the night of August 11;

As the police used teargas and live bullets to disperse crowds of protesters after the announcement of Kenyatta’s victory.

On the night Kenyatta was declared the winner, the electricity went off in some parts of Kisumu.

Plunging residential areas into darkness just as police began door-to-door operations that targeted mainly men for attacks.

100 people

This according to victims of beatings interviewed by Human Rights Watch. At least 100 people were injured by gunshots and beatings.

A police officer in Kisumu said that a combined team of officers from various police units, such as the General Service Unit.

Quick Response Team of the Administration Police, Border Patrol, Special Crime Prevention Unit, and Kenya Wildlife Service officers were responsible for the operations.

Ferried to Kisumu

The officers were drawn from several counties and were ferried to Kisumu neighborhoods days before the announcement of presidential results.

Plainclothes officers, whom Kisumu residents suspected to be from the directorate of criminal investigations, swarmed the neighborhoods before the demonstrations started.

Multiple witnesses, including those who said they were victims of police beatings in Nyamasaria, Arina, Kondele, Manyatta, and Car Wash neighborhoods;

Teargas and gunfire

Said police responded to the “Uhuru must go” chant with teargas and gunfire. They said police dispersed with teargas any groups of more than three people;

Even people who were not protesters. International human rights law and Kenya’s constitution guarantee the right of peaceful assembly.

House-to-house operations began soon after the electricity went off. A 32-year-old father of two and resident of Nyalenda said.

11 AM August 12

“Police started throwing teargas in the neighborhood, sometimes even in the houses, and shooting.”

At 11 a.m. on August 12, according to witnesses, police carried out a door-to-door operation in Arina estate, beating men and children and sexually harassing women.

A 17-year-old high school student said she was among a group of people the police beat that day for no reason.

35 year old freelance photographer

“I was in the house with my younger brother when police kicked the door open and started beating and stepping on me.

They then went to the neighbor where they beat a lady there and her brother.” Police raided the home of a 35-year-old freelance photographer in Obunga estate and beat him severely.

“They broke into my house and started beating me. They were hitting mainly the joints – knee, shoulder, arms, head, and back.

20 victims of police beatings and gunshots

They stepped on me for a while and then left me lying there, unable to walk. They broke my rib.”

Human Rights Watch interviewed 20 victims of police beatings and gunshot injuries during the protests and during house-to-house operations in Kisumu alone.

From the hospital records, at least 27 people with injuries were admitted at Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Teaching and Referral Hospital (Russia Hospital) on August 11 and 12.

Additional 92 victims

On August 17, officials of a makeshift Disaster Management Center told Human Rights Watch that they had registered an additional 92 victims;

Of police beatings and shootings who were yet to seek treatment at any hospital due to fear of reprisal.

Edris Omondi, the head of Disaster Management Center, said: “Some of them have very serious injuries like broken legs, arms and ribs.

Urgent medical attention

Others cannot walk or eat at all and they will need urgent medical attention.” Many witnesses said the police broke into their houses and demanded money or simply stole money and electronic items.

In Arina, a 30-year-old woman said that on August 12, police took Ksh5,000 (US$50) from her and another Ksh2,000 (US$19) from her brother.

A 15-year-old girl in Arina said that on the same day police kicked the door to their house open and started beating her with gun butts and batons and stepping on her.

Obunga neighborhood

The officers took Ksh2,200 (US$21) meant for buying charcoal and food. In Obunga neighborhood, many families fled the harassment.

And beatings to seek refuge at Kudho Primary School on the night of August 11. Many said that when they returned home;

They found electronics such as radio receivers and television sets and money missing, and presumed that police were responsible.

Reluctance to investigate

Those who reported the theft to the nearest police stations in Kondele, Nyamasaria, and Obunga said police were unwilling to investigate and said that thieves had stolen the goods.

“Police are telling us that it was the thieves who stole our items from the houses,” said a mother of three from Nyamasaria.

“But which thieves were these when everyone had either run away, was writhing in pain and unable to walk, or dead?”

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Mistrust and self belief could end up as Raila’s waterloo

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This election was for Raila to lose but he shot himself in the foot by mismanaging the handshake aftermath.

Yes, the dynamic duo played Raila. The Enigma’s self-belief deceived him to allow Ruto to succeed in playing victim of the system he’s the second in command.

It’s only happened in Kenya where a defiant Deputy President remains on payroll and the opponent trusts that the president is genuine.

Smart Game

The game was so smart that Raila was recruited to play in the defence of the system that he’s not part of.

He prevented the system player (Ruto) from scoring own goals as he ring-fenced Jubilee strongholds and made in-roads in NASA bastions.

That’s why Raila won back former NASA strongholds but with narrow margins. He lost Bungoma and Trans Nzoia counties due to the Wetangula factor.

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Elephant in the Room

We warned that the elephant in the room for Raila was IEBC. Chebukati wouldn’t be trusted to declare Raila the victor under too close to call tie.

The Commission would try all tricks in the book to teach Raila a lesson. Bring in the Venezuelans saga.

The 17 rolls carried IEBC stickers to fit on KIEMS kits, specific to identify voters and transmit results for 1.2 million voters in 10,000 polling stations in 10 populous counties.

10 populous counties

(Nairobi, Kiambu, Meru, Nyandarua, Nyeri, Tharaka-Nithi, Murang’a, Nakuru, Bomet and Kericho).

The 10,000 bonus votes Ruto had received in Kiambu Township constituency was a tip of the iceberg on what happened in the Mountain.

Raila had fake agents in the region. They were on Raila’s payroll but compromised to look the other way.

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10, 000 bonus votes

That explains why it’s the hawk-eyed journalists who discovered the 10,000 bonus votes. We can’t rule out the Venezuelans effect.

Chebukati condemned their arrests. Ruto supported him. The DCI raised 11 questions for IEBC to answer.

IEBC went silent. Smartmatic remained mum on its alleged employees. Ruto castigated DCI Kinoti in public, hurling epithets.

Abdulahi Abdi Mohamed

Nobody came to the spy’s defense except his kin from his ancestral home. The role of Abdulahi Abdi Mohamed remained a mystery.

A Mr. Wachanga Mugo expected to receive the stickers was just mentioned as one of two people who accessed the 2017 computer servers using Chebukati’s password.

Chebukati met with the Inspector General and announced that the Venezuelans saga had been resolved without details.

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Conduct of Ruto

The conduct of Ruto especially hurling insults at civil servants was not without permission from his boss.

Remember what befell the Vice-Chancelor of Kenyatta University when he appeared to contradict the president. Ruto is no god to go scot free with all the insults directed, even, at the president himself.

Ruto remained part of the system but turned Raila into a villain to absorb shocks in the system. Atwoli is Raila’s friend but lacked intellect to discover that Uhuru (another friend from KANU days) couldn’t be trusted in the succession matrix.

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70% of MPs in Kenya never make it for a second term. Adan Keynan, the 5 term MP

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Hon Aden Keynan Wehliye is a National Assembly MP in Northern Kenya. He served Wajir West from 1997 to 2002, and then from 2007 to 2013. He then moved to Eldas constituency.

Which was curved from Wajir West. Keynan served as Eldas MP in the 11th Parliament. He was then re-elected to serve the same constituency in 12th parliament.

He represented the Orange Democratic Movement until 2017 when he switched to the Jubilee Party. He was re- elected to parliament in the 2022.

Education and Early Career

Keinan received a bachelor’s degree and a master’s degree at Moi University and Kenyatta University, respectively.

He was awarded an Honorary Doctorate in Public Administration (honoris causa) by the Commonwealth University in collaboration with the London Graduate School.

Before joining politics Keinan was a Director at the National Housing Corporation between 1996 and 1997.

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Social and Parliamentary Responsibilities

In 2011, he formed a foundation, the Adan Keynan Foundation, to help afforestation, education and youth and women empowerment in Wajir county.

He was first elected into parliament in 1997, as an MP for the then Wajir West parliamentary seat.

He has held a seat on the Parliamentary Service Commission (PSC) for three parliamentary terms, serving as its Vice Chairman between 2011 and 2012.

Committees of Parliament

He was Chairman of the Defence and Foreign Relations Committee during the Tenth Parliament.

In the Eleventh Parliament he chaired the Public Investment Committee where he also investigated and audited state expenditure.

Which included at the defunct Kenya Petroleum Refineries Limited. He has also been a member of the House Business Committee of the Kenyan Parliament.

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1998 and 2002

He served in the Finance and Planning and Trade Committee and the Administration, National Security and Local Government Committees between 1998 and 2002.

Keinan is a member of the Parliamentary Network on the World Bank and International Monetary Fund.

Also Parliamentarians for Global Action and Parliamentarians Against Corruption, and an Executive Committee.

Global Responsibilities and County Honors

Member of the Commonwealth Association of Public Accounts Committees. He is also a former member of the Kenya National Audit Commission.

Keynan is known as “kingmaker” of Wajir politics. In 2013, the relatively inexperienced politician Ahmed Abdullahi was encouraged by Keynan to challenge Mohamed Abdi Mohamud as Wajir Governor, and won the election.

In the 2017 general election Keynan, led all elected leaders in the Jubilee Party and offered his support for Amb Mohamed Abdi Mohamud as governor, which again was successful.

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Awards

Keynan has received the Spirit of Detroit Award at Michigan State University in 1999 in recognition of his dedication to improvement of quality of life in Kenya.

In 1999, he received an award in the Role of Legislatures in Governance, Washington DC, and in 2013 he was awarded the Chief Order of the Burning Economic.

This was with the First Class Spear commendation by the President of Kenya, for distinguished service to humanity and Kenya.

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