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President Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi the master of state craft.

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When Jomo Kenyatta died on 22 August 1978, Moi became acting president. A special presidential election for the balance of Kenyatta’s term was to be held.

This was to be on 8 November, 90 days later. A Cabinet meeting instead made a decision that no-one else is interested in running for President.

Various politicians kicked of a campaign across the country for Moi to be win unopposed.

Moi Sworn in as Kenya’s second President

He took office in as the second President of Kenya on 14 October 1978, as a result of the walkover electoral process.

In the beginning, Moi was popular, with widespread support all over the country. He toured the country and came into contact with the people everywhere.

Which was in great contrast to Kenyatta’s imperious style of government from behind closed doors.

Political Realities

However, political realities dictated that he would continue to be beholden to the system of government, that Kenyatta had created.

And to whose headship he had acceded, including the nearly dictatorial powers vested in his office. Despite his popularity, Moi was still unable to fully consolidate his power.

From the beginning, anti-communism was an important theme of Moi’s government; speaking on the new President’s behalf, Vice-President Mwai Kibaki bluntly stated, “There is no room for Communists in Kenya.”

August 1982

On 1 August 1982, lower-level Air Force personnel, led by Senior Private Grade-I Hezekiah Ochuka and backed by university students, attempted a coup d’état to oust Moi.

The revolt hit a halt, mute by military and police forces commanded by Chief of General Staff Mahamoud Mohamed.

There may have been two or even three independent groups attempting to seize power at the same time.

Prominent Kikuyu Politicians

for differing reasons, but the most serious was led by prominent Kikuyu politicians and members of the police and armed forces.

Moi took the opportunity to dismiss political opponents and consolidate his power. He reduced the influence of Kenyatta’s men in the cabinet.

This was through a long running judicial enquiry that resulted in the identification of key Kenyatta men as traitors.

Court of Public Opinion

Moi pardoned them but not before establishing their traitor status in the public view. The main conspirators in the coup, including Ochuka, got a death sentence.

This marked the last judicial executions in Kenya. He appointed supporters to key roles and changed the constitution.

This formally made KANU the only legally permitted party in the country. However, this made little practical difference to the political situation.

Mono Party State Since 1969

This is because all significant opposition parties were outlawed since 1969. Kenya’s academics and other intelligentsia did not accept this.

And educational institutions across the country became the site of movements that sought to introduce democratic reforms.

However, Kenyan secret police infiltrated these groups and many members moved into exile. Marxism remained illegal at Kenyan universities. The remaining opposition at home went underground.

The End of the Cold War

Starting in the late 1980s, Moi’s regime faced the end of the Cold War, as well as a national economy stagnating under rising oil prices. And falling prices for agricultural commodities.

Western governments also became more hostile to the KANU regime, a change of policy from the time of the Cold War.

They viewed Kenya as an important regional stabilizer, to prevent the spread of Soviet influence beyond Ethiopia, Somalia, and Tanzania.

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Foreign Aid

During that time, Kenya received much foreign aid. And the country was stable, if authoritarian, regime with Moi and the KANU firmly in charge.

Western allies overlooked the increasing degree of political repression, including the use of torture at the infamous Nyayo House torture chambers.

Some of the evidence of these torture cells eventually exposed in 2003 after opposition leader Mwai Kibaki became President.

Soviet Union

However, with the fall of the Soviet Union and a lessening need to counter socialist influence in the region, Western policymakers changed their policy towards Moi.

They increasingly regarded him as a despotic ruler rather than an important regional stabilizer.

They withheld foreign aid pending compliance with economic and political reforms. One of the key conditions imposed on his regime.

Restoration of Multi – party system

Especially by the United States through fiery ambassador Smith Hempstone, was the restoration of a multi-party system.

Despite his own lack of enthusiasm for the reintroduction of a multi-party system, Moi managed to win over his party who were against the reform.

Moi announced his intention to repeal Section 2(A) of the constitution, lifting the ban on opposition parties, at a KANU conference in Kasarani in December 1991.

First Multi – party Elections

Despite fierce debate and opposition from many delegates, the conference eventually passed the motion unanimously.

Despite the presence of opposition parties, Moi and the KANU returned to power in the first multi-party elections in 1992.

And once again in 1997. Both elections had evidence of political violence on the part of both the government and opposition forces.

Ethnic Tensions

Moi skillfully exploited Kenya’s mix of ethnic tensions in these contests, gaining a plurality in both elections.

This was through a mix of picking up votes across the country while his opponents’ support was more concentrated.

He attracted votes a wide of smaller tribes as well as the Luhya, and taking advantage of fears of Kikuyu domination over the non-Kikuyu majority.

Disorganized Opposition

In the absence of an effective and organized opposition, Moi had no difficulty in winning. Although there is suspicion that electoral fraud occurred.

The key to his victory in both elections was a divided opposition. In 1992 he polled 36.3% of the votes.

And in 1997 he received 40.4% but both were comfortable victories, due to vote-splitting between the various opposition groups, which failed to field a unity opposition candidate.

Corrupt and Kleptomaniac Individual

History judges President Moi harshly as a corrupt individual and kleptomaniac, and fairly so. His entire rule was marred with corruption that literally collapsed the Kenyan economy.

By the time his 24 year reign was coming to an end, Kenya’s economic growth was at its knees at negatives and 2%.

In 1999 the findings of NGOs like Amnesty International and a special investigation by the United Nations were published.

The 1999 Amnesty International Findings

They indicated that human rights abuses were prevalent in Kenya under the Moi regime. This is according to the report on corruption and human rights abuses by British reporter.

Her name is Mary Anne Fitzgerald from 1987–88. She says this resulted in her being vilified by the government and finally deported.

Moi was implicated in the 1990s Goldenberg scandal and subsequent cover-ups. Where the Kenyan government subsidized exports of gold.

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Smuggling from Congo

This was far in excess of the foreign currency earnings of exporters. In this case, the gold was smuggled from Congo, as Kenya has negligible gold reserves.

The Goldenberg scandal cost Kenya the equivalent of more than 10% of the country’s annual GDP.

Half-hearted inquiries that began at the request of foreign aid donors, never amounted to anything substantial during Moi’s presidency.

Peaceful Transfer of Power

The peaceful transfer of power to Mwai Kibaki may have involved an understanding, that Moi would not stand trial for offences committed during his presidency.

But foreign aid donors reiterated their requests, and Kibaki reopened the inquiry. The inquiry progressed.

Moi, his two sons, Philip and Gideon (now a Senator), and his daughter, June, as well as a host of high-ranking Kenyans, have been implicated.

July 2003

In testimony delivered in late July 2003, Treasury Permanent Secretary Joseph Magari recounted the unfolding in 1991.

He said that Moi ordered him to pay Ksh34.5 million ($460,000) to Goldenberg, contrary to the laws then in force.

Wangari Maathai discusses Moi’s actions during the 1980s and early 1990s in systematically attempting to dismantle the Greenbelt Movement.

Wangari Maathai’s Displeasure

This was after Maathai voiced displeasure at the government’s attempts to build an office tower in Uhuru Park.

According to Maathai, Moi’s actions included removing the Greenbelt Movement from government provided office space.

And attempting to cut off funding from international donors by limiting funding through government sanctioned bodies.

Tactics during Multiparty Movement

Maathai also discusses Moi’s tactics during the beginning of the multiparty movement in the 1990s (see Forum for the Restoration of Democracy).

Moi announced the military would take over the government before the December 1992 elections.

Maathai received communication during that time that an assassination list had been drawn up, and noted the mysterious deaths of Bishop Alexander Muge and Robert Ouko.

Political Prisoners

The Release Political Prisoners party was also formed in the early 1990s to secure the release of political prisoners of the Moi regime.

And also to protest state-sanctioned torture and random imprisonment. The police dispersed the protestors.

Many of the mothers of these political prisoners camped at Freedom Corner in Uhuru Park on March 3, 1992.

Yearlong Vigil

After a yearlong vigil and hunger strike by many of the mothers of these political prisoners in the Anglican All Saints Cathedral near Uhuru Park, the government released 51 prisoners en masse in early 1993.

In October 2006, Moi was found by the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes, to have taken a bribe from a Pakistani businessman.

The bribe was to facilitate an award a monopoly of duty-free shops at the country’s international airports in Mombasa and Nairobi.

Ali Nasir’s US$2Million

The businessman, Ali Nasir, claimed to have paid Moi US$2 million in cash to obtain government approval for the World Duty Free Limited investment in Kenya.

On 31 August 2007, WikiLeaks published a secret report that laid bare a web of shell companies, secret trusts and frontmen.

Wikileaks said that his entourage was used to funnel hundreds of millions of pounds into nearly 30 countries.

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Bomas of Kenya, the center of Kenya’s political decisions and violence

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The word Bomas comes from a Swahili word “Boma” meaning a homestead hence the word bomas in plural.

It was established by the government in 1971 as a subsidiary company of Kenya Tourist Development Corporation as a tourist attraction.

It also wanted to preserve, maintain and promote rich and diverse cultural values of various tribal groups of Kenya. Mario Masso is its leader.

Kenya’s 2017 General Elections

Kenya’s presidential election on August 8, 2017 was marred by serious human rights violations.

This included unlawful killings and beatings by police during protests and house-to-house operations in western Kenya. At least 12 people were killed and over 100 badly injured.

Kenyan authorities should urgently investigate the crimes, and ensure that officers found to have used excessive force are held to account.

Human Rights Violations

The brutal crackdown on protesters and residents in the western counties, part of a pattern of violence and repression in opposition strongholds, undermined the national elections.

People have a right to protest peacefully, and Kenyan authorities should urgently put a stop to police abuse and hold those responsible to account.

Human Rights Watch conducted research in western Kenya during and after the election. Researchers interviewed 43 people, including victims of police beatings.

Kisumu and Siaya Counties

And shootings, in Kisumu and Siaya counties; examined bodies in mortuaries in Kisumu and Siaya counties.

And visited victims at Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Teaching and Referral Hospital (Russia Hospital) in Kisumu.

On August 11, following the announcement of Uhuru Kenyatta’s victory at the polls, opposition supporters in Nairobi, Coast, and the western counties of Kisumu;

Uhuru must go

Siaya, Migori, and Homabay protested with chants of “Uhuru must go.” Police responded in many areas with excessive force.

Shooting and beating protesters in Nairobi and western Kenya or carrying out abusive house-to-house operations.

On August 12, the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights reported that the police had killed at least 24 people nationwide.

Kenyan media

Including one in Kisumu and 17 in Nairobi. The number is most likely much higher, as Kenyan media were slow in reporting on the violence and families have been afraid to speak out.

Mild protests and political tension surfaced in parts of western Kenya and Nairobi on August 9. Following allegations by the opposition leader, Raila Odinga;

That the electoral commission’s system had been hacked and polling results manipulated in favor of Kenyatta.

August 11

The protests intensified on August 11, when the electoral commission declared Kenyatta the winner. Odinga challenged the results in court, with the verdict given in September 1.

In western Kenya, police fired teargas canisters and water cannons to disperse protesters, who threw stones and other crude objects at police.

Protesters also blocked roads with stones, burned tires, and lit fires on the roads. On August 11 and 12, police carried out house-to-house operations.

Beating and Shooting men in houses

Residents said that police asked for any men in the house and beat or shot them. Police also fired teargas canisters and water cannons in residential areas.

Human Rights Watch confirmed through multiple sources that police killed at least 10 people. Including a 6-month-old baby, in Kisumu county alone.

In neighboring Siaya county, police fatally shot a protester near the town of Siaya and beat a 17-year-old boy to death in the outskirts of Ugunja.

Persuit of Crowds of Protesters

This is as they pursued crowds of protesters into the villages. Human Rights Watch found no evidence protesters were armed or acted in a manner that could justify the use of such force.

In the town of Kisumu, hospital staff and county government officials confirmed that at least 100 people, mostly men, were seriously injured in the beatings and shootings.

Many others did not go to a hospital for treatment for fear of being further targeted or arrested.

August 17

As of August 17, at least 92 people with serious injuries, including 3 women who said police raped them, had not sought any medical help.

This according to Edris Omondi, the chairperson of the makeshift Kisumu county Disaster Management Center that was registering those affected by the violence and police abuses.

Residents of Obunga, Nyalenda, Nyamasaria, Arina, Kondele, and Manyatta neighborhoods in Kisumu told Human Rights Watch;

House to House Operations

That during house-to-house operations, officers broke down doors; beat residents; stole money, phones and television sets; and sexually harassed women.

Many town residents fled to a nearby school for the night, only to return to find their possessions looted, presumably by police.

Police denied any role in the looting and claimed that criminals were responsible. On August 12, the acting cabinet secretary for interior and coordination of the national government;

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Dr. Fred Matiang’i

Dr. Fred Matiang’i, denied that police used live bullets or excessive force against protesters and blamed criminals for looting.

“Some criminal elements took advantage of the situation to loot property,” he said. “The police responded and normalcy has returned in the affected areas.

The right to demonstrate should be carried out in a peaceful manner and without destroying property.

Right to Freedom of Assembly

International law and Kenya’s own constitution protect the right to freedom of assembly and expression, and prohibit excessive use of force by law enforcement officials.

The United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms say that law enforcement officials, should use force only in proportion to the seriousness of the offense.

And the intentional use of lethal force is permitted only when strictly unavoidable to protect life.

Arbitrary or Abusive use of force

The principles also say that governments should ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offense.

Superior officers should be held responsible if they knew, or should have known, that personnel under their command resorted to the unlawful use of force and firearms.

But did not take all measures in their power to prevent, suppress, or report such use. Kenyan police have a long history of using excessive force.

2007 post election violence

Against protesters, especially in the western counties such as Kisumu, Siaya, Migori, and Homabay, where Odinga has had solid support for over 20 years.

In the 2007 post-election violence, in which more than 1,100 people were killed, most of the more than 400 people shot by police were in the Nyanza region, which includes those counties.

In 2013, Human Rights Watch documented at least five cases of apparently unlawful police killings of demonstrators.

Supreme Court Decision

This was in Kisumu while protesting a Supreme Court decision that affirmed Kenyatta’s election as president.

And in June 2016, police killed at least five and wounded another 60 demonstrators in Kisumu, Homabay, and Siaya counties.

Who called for the firing of electoral commission officials implicated in cases of corruption abroad.

IPOA

Yet, accountability for police abuses has been sorely missing, Human Rights Watch said. The Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA);

A civilian police accountability institution, has investigated many abuses in the Nyanza region.

In September 2016, the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions opened a public inquest into the 2013 police shootings in Kisumu.

Prosecutions of police officers

But these efforts have not resulted in any prosecutions of the police officers implicated in what appeared to be unlawful killings and maiming of protesters in western Kenya.

The government of Kenya should publicly acknowledge and condemn any and all recent unlawful and unnecessary police killings and shootings, Human Rights Watch said.

Donors to the Kenyan government should support police accountability systems, particularly the Independent Policing Oversight Authority.

Post – Election Police Operations

On August 8, Kenya held its second presidential election since the disputed 2007 election that resulted in violence.

In which more than 1,100 people were killed and another 650,000 displaced. Within hours after the initial results started streaming live on television on August 9, 2017.

But before the electoral commission announced Uhuru Kenyatta’s victory, the leading opposition candidate, Raila Odinga, expressed concerns.

IEBC

That the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission’s (IEBC) server had been hacked and presidential results that were streaming in had been manipulated.

Following these allegations and the August 11 declaration that Kenyatta had won, opposition supporters in the capital, Nairobi, in western Kenya;

And in parts of the coastal region took to the streets in protest. Victims and witnesses told Human Rights Watch that Kenyan police responded violently.

Use of lethal fire by the police

Hurling teargas canisters and water cannons in residential areas and using lethal fire. Human Rights Watch interviewed 43 people in Kisumu and Siaya counties about the events.

Including, among others, victims and witnesses. On August 11 and 12, according to victims of police beatings and witnesses to the events;

Police conducted house-to-house operations in the town of Kisumu, using lethal fire against unarmed protesters.

Night Crimes

Violently storming into homes at night, looking for and beating mainly men, extorting money, stealing electronic goods, and in some cases raping women.

In Siaya county, police dispersed crowds of protesters at market centers along Kisumu’s Busia Road and pursued them into villages. Throwing teargas into homes and beating residents.

Human Rights Watch interviewed family members and witnesses to at least 12 killings by police, 10 in Kisumu county and two in neighboring Siaya county.

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Non protesters

In the former Nyanza region of western Kenya. Some occurred as police tried to suppress protests, but others occurred during house-to-house operations or in places with no protests.

While some victims were protesters, others were not and were either caught up in the violence or attacked inside their homes.

A 33-year-old man from the Obunga neighborhood said police found him and friends standing outside his house on the morning of August 12 and started shooting at them without talking.

Six bodies

In Kisumu county, Human Rights Watch saw six bodies that witnesses described as victims of police shootings and beatings.

Four of them in the Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Hospital, also known as the Russia Hospital, mortuary.

Two young men in their teens from the Nyaori area had gunshot wounds. A witness said that police came into the homes of the two teens, Onyango Otieno and Ochieng Gogo.

Morning of August 12

On the morning of August 12, beat them, then told them to run away and shot them in the back: “As they were running away, police shot them at the back and took their bodies away.”

According to relatives and witnesses, two others died from police beatings on the night of August 11 in the Kondele area.

Lennox Ochieng, a 27-year-old man, was beaten to death by police in his house in the Kondele neighborhood.

Other victims

Another body, described in hospital records as “unknown male alias Kimoko,” had bullet wounds, but witnesses could not describe the circumstances of his death.

Another victim, 35-year-old David Ochieng, was shot while he was protesting on the night of August 11.

An acquaintance who was with him during protests said he saw police shoot him around 11 p.m. as he threw stones at the police.

More fatalities

“The bullet went through his right ear and came out through the other side,” the acquaintance said.

“He could not talk at the time we took him to hospital but he could communicate through signs.

He gave us the phone contacts of his next of kin by writing in the air using signs.” Ochieng died in the hospital on the morning of August 13.

Samantha Pendo

Six-month-old Samantha Pendo was another victim. Eye witnesses told researchers that on August 11, police violently attacked her family.

Kicking, slapping, and beating with gun butts and batons everyone in the house, including the baby.

A nurse at Aga Khan Hospital said that the baby had a fractured skull and was in critical condition. The baby died in the hospital on August 16.

Villages in Kisumu

Police carried out the house-to-house operations in Kisumu, as well as villages in Kisumu and Siaya counties.

Residents of the village of Dago said that on the night of August 11, police officers attached to the Dago police post, 25 kilometers north of Kisumu;

Started firing at villagers strolling on the road, unaware of the protests in other parts of Kisumu.

Aimless Shootings

In the process, they said a police officer shot 21-year-old Vincent Omondi Ochieng, who was working with Elections Observations Group (ELOG), a Kenyan organization that has observed the past two elections.

“Vincent and his younger uncle were returning from watching a football game at a few minutes past midnight when police officers;

Who were hiding at Bar Union Primary School, started shooting at them,” said his aunt, who lived nearby.

First two shots

“His uncle told us that Vincent was on phone and the first two shots startled him and he fell. It was the third shot that killed him.” Human Rights Watch researchers observed the bullet wound in his chest in the heart area.

While Human Rights Watch confirmed the killings described above, the death toll in Kisumu county could be higher.

Many witnesses and family members were afraid of speaking up or even going to the hospital, while others said they could not immediately establish the whereabouts of their relatives.

Nyamasaria neighborhood

In Kisumu’s Nyamasaria neighborhood, for example, witnesses and relatives of a young man who was shot dead near Well Petrol Station on the night of August 11;

Declined to be interviewed out of fear of victimization. In Nyalenda, a family said it could not trace two young men three days after initial protests.

In Siaya county, demonstrations also turned violent as police dispersed protesters and carried out search operations in the villages.

17 year old Kennedy Juma Otieno

Evidence given to Human Rights Watch suggests that police killed two young men. In Siaya county, relatives and two witnesses said that on August 12;

Police beat to death 17-year-old Kennedy Juma Otieno, after pursuing him from Kisumu’s Busia Road, where they had dispersed protesters with teargas.

Human Rights Watch and Kenya National Commission on Human Rights members saw his body in the Sega Mission Hospital Mortuary in Siaya county. His hand, head, and face were swollen.

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21 year old Zacchaeus Okoth

Relatives and a witness said that police shot and killed Zacchaeus Okoth, a 21-year-old man from Anduro village, Siaya county, on the night of August 11;

As the police used teargas and live bullets to disperse crowds of protesters after the announcement of Kenyatta’s victory.

On the night Kenyatta was declared the winner, the electricity went off in some parts of Kisumu.

Plunging residential areas into darkness just as police began door-to-door operations that targeted mainly men for attacks.

100 people

This according to victims of beatings interviewed by Human Rights Watch. At least 100 people were injured by gunshots and beatings.

A police officer in Kisumu said that a combined team of officers from various police units, such as the General Service Unit.

Quick Response Team of the Administration Police, Border Patrol, Special Crime Prevention Unit, and Kenya Wildlife Service officers were responsible for the operations.

Ferried to Kisumu

The officers were drawn from several counties and were ferried to Kisumu neighborhoods days before the announcement of presidential results.

Plainclothes officers, whom Kisumu residents suspected to be from the directorate of criminal investigations, swarmed the neighborhoods before the demonstrations started.

Multiple witnesses, including those who said they were victims of police beatings in Nyamasaria, Arina, Kondele, Manyatta, and Car Wash neighborhoods;

Teargas and gunfire

Said police responded to the “Uhuru must go” chant with teargas and gunfire. They said police dispersed with teargas any groups of more than three people;

Even people who were not protesters. International human rights law and Kenya’s constitution guarantee the right of peaceful assembly.

House-to-house operations began soon after the electricity went off. A 32-year-old father of two and resident of Nyalenda said.

11 AM August 12

“Police started throwing teargas in the neighborhood, sometimes even in the houses, and shooting.”

At 11 a.m. on August 12, according to witnesses, police carried out a door-to-door operation in Arina estate, beating men and children and sexually harassing women.

A 17-year-old high school student said she was among a group of people the police beat that day for no reason.

35 year old freelance photographer

“I was in the house with my younger brother when police kicked the door open and started beating and stepping on me.

They then went to the neighbor where they beat a lady there and her brother.” Police raided the home of a 35-year-old freelance photographer in Obunga estate and beat him severely.

“They broke into my house and started beating me. They were hitting mainly the joints – knee, shoulder, arms, head, and back.

20 victims of police beatings and gunshots

They stepped on me for a while and then left me lying there, unable to walk. They broke my rib.”

Human Rights Watch interviewed 20 victims of police beatings and gunshot injuries during the protests and during house-to-house operations in Kisumu alone.

From the hospital records, at least 27 people with injuries were admitted at Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Teaching and Referral Hospital (Russia Hospital) on August 11 and 12.

Additional 92 victims

On August 17, officials of a makeshift Disaster Management Center told Human Rights Watch that they had registered an additional 92 victims;

Of police beatings and shootings who were yet to seek treatment at any hospital due to fear of reprisal.

Edris Omondi, the head of Disaster Management Center, said: “Some of them have very serious injuries like broken legs, arms and ribs.

Urgent medical attention

Others cannot walk or eat at all and they will need urgent medical attention.” Many witnesses said the police broke into their houses and demanded money or simply stole money and electronic items.

In Arina, a 30-year-old woman said that on August 12, police took Ksh5,000 (US$50) from her and another Ksh2,000 (US$19) from her brother.

A 15-year-old girl in Arina said that on the same day police kicked the door to their house open and started beating her with gun butts and batons and stepping on her.

Obunga neighborhood

The officers took Ksh2,200 (US$21) meant for buying charcoal and food. In Obunga neighborhood, many families fled the harassment.

And beatings to seek refuge at Kudho Primary School on the night of August 11. Many said that when they returned home;

They found electronics such as radio receivers and television sets and money missing, and presumed that police were responsible.

Reluctance to investigate

Those who reported the theft to the nearest police stations in Kondele, Nyamasaria, and Obunga said police were unwilling to investigate and said that thieves had stolen the goods.

“Police are telling us that it was the thieves who stole our items from the houses,” said a mother of three from Nyamasaria.

“But which thieves were these when everyone had either run away, was writhing in pain and unable to walk, or dead?”

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Mistrust and self belief could end up as Raila’s waterloo

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This election was for Raila to lose but he shot himself in the foot by mismanaging the handshake aftermath.

Yes, the dynamic duo played Raila. The Enigma’s self-belief deceived him to allow Ruto to succeed in playing victim of the system he’s the second in command.

It’s only happened in Kenya where a defiant Deputy President remains on payroll and the opponent trusts that the president is genuine.

Smart Game

The game was so smart that Raila was recruited to play in the defence of the system that he’s not part of.

He prevented the system player (Ruto) from scoring own goals as he ring-fenced Jubilee strongholds and made in-roads in NASA bastions.

That’s why Raila won back former NASA strongholds but with narrow margins. He lost Bungoma and Trans Nzoia counties due to the Wetangula factor.

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Elephant in the Room

We warned that the elephant in the room for Raila was IEBC. Chebukati wouldn’t be trusted to declare Raila the victor under too close to call tie.

The Commission would try all tricks in the book to teach Raila a lesson. Bring in the Venezuelans saga.

The 17 rolls carried IEBC stickers to fit on KIEMS kits, specific to identify voters and transmit results for 1.2 million voters in 10,000 polling stations in 10 populous counties.

10 populous counties

(Nairobi, Kiambu, Meru, Nyandarua, Nyeri, Tharaka-Nithi, Murang’a, Nakuru, Bomet and Kericho).

The 10,000 bonus votes Ruto had received in Kiambu Township constituency was a tip of the iceberg on what happened in the Mountain.

Raila had fake agents in the region. They were on Raila’s payroll but compromised to look the other way.

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10, 000 bonus votes

That explains why it’s the hawk-eyed journalists who discovered the 10,000 bonus votes. We can’t rule out the Venezuelans effect.

Chebukati condemned their arrests. Ruto supported him. The DCI raised 11 questions for IEBC to answer.

IEBC went silent. Smartmatic remained mum on its alleged employees. Ruto castigated DCI Kinoti in public, hurling epithets.

Abdulahi Abdi Mohamed

Nobody came to the spy’s defense except his kin from his ancestral home. The role of Abdulahi Abdi Mohamed remained a mystery.

A Mr. Wachanga Mugo expected to receive the stickers was just mentioned as one of two people who accessed the 2017 computer servers using Chebukati’s password.

Chebukati met with the Inspector General and announced that the Venezuelans saga had been resolved without details.

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Conduct of Ruto

The conduct of Ruto especially hurling insults at civil servants was not without permission from his boss.

Remember what befell the Vice-Chancelor of Kenyatta University when he appeared to contradict the president. Ruto is no god to go scot free with all the insults directed, even, at the president himself.

Ruto remained part of the system but turned Raila into a villain to absorb shocks in the system. Atwoli is Raila’s friend but lacked intellect to discover that Uhuru (another friend from KANU days) couldn’t be trusted in the succession matrix.

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70% of MPs in Kenya never make it for a second term. Adan Keynan, the 5 term MP

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Hon Aden Keynan Wehliye is a National Assembly MP in Northern Kenya. He served Wajir West from 1997 to 2002, and then from 2007 to 2013. He then moved to Eldas constituency.

Which was curved from Wajir West. Keynan served as Eldas MP in the 11th Parliament. He was then re-elected to serve the same constituency in 12th parliament.

He represented the Orange Democratic Movement until 2017 when he switched to the Jubilee Party. He was re- elected to parliament in the 2022.

Education and Early Career

Keinan received a bachelor’s degree and a master’s degree at Moi University and Kenyatta University, respectively.

He was awarded an Honorary Doctorate in Public Administration (honoris causa) by the Commonwealth University in collaboration with the London Graduate School.

Before joining politics Keinan was a Director at the National Housing Corporation between 1996 and 1997.

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Social and Parliamentary Responsibilities

In 2011, he formed a foundation, the Adan Keynan Foundation, to help afforestation, education and youth and women empowerment in Wajir county.

He was first elected into parliament in 1997, as an MP for the then Wajir West parliamentary seat.

He has held a seat on the Parliamentary Service Commission (PSC) for three parliamentary terms, serving as its Vice Chairman between 2011 and 2012.

Committees of Parliament

He was Chairman of the Defence and Foreign Relations Committee during the Tenth Parliament.

In the Eleventh Parliament he chaired the Public Investment Committee where he also investigated and audited state expenditure.

Which included at the defunct Kenya Petroleum Refineries Limited. He has also been a member of the House Business Committee of the Kenyan Parliament.

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1998 and 2002

He served in the Finance and Planning and Trade Committee and the Administration, National Security and Local Government Committees between 1998 and 2002.

Keinan is a member of the Parliamentary Network on the World Bank and International Monetary Fund.

Also Parliamentarians for Global Action and Parliamentarians Against Corruption, and an Executive Committee.

Global Responsibilities and County Honors

Member of the Commonwealth Association of Public Accounts Committees. He is also a former member of the Kenya National Audit Commission.

Keynan is known as “kingmaker” of Wajir politics. In 2013, the relatively inexperienced politician Ahmed Abdullahi was encouraged by Keynan to challenge Mohamed Abdi Mohamud as Wajir Governor, and won the election.

In the 2017 general election Keynan, led all elected leaders in the Jubilee Party and offered his support for Amb Mohamed Abdi Mohamud as governor, which again was successful.

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Awards

Keynan has received the Spirit of Detroit Award at Michigan State University in 1999 in recognition of his dedication to improvement of quality of life in Kenya.

In 1999, he received an award in the Role of Legislatures in Governance, Washington DC, and in 2013 he was awarded the Chief Order of the Burning Economic.

This was with the First Class Spear commendation by the President of Kenya, for distinguished service to humanity and Kenya.

Read more at https://thebigissue.co.ke

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